Politics

Deporting US Citizens? Trump to Revive British Imperialism

On 2 July 2025, US President Donald Trump, never one to shy away from controversial proposals, floated yet another idea that managed to baffle legal experts, infuriate critics, and surely earn a few chuckles from history buffs: deporting U.S. citizens who commit crimes. Yes, you read that right—Amer

Seven Policies For Government to Consider--- 1a. Tackle Structural Deficit and Widen Tax Base through Inheritance Tax

Background and IntroductionGovernment has balance deficit for 3 straight year by now, with an accumulation of around HKD310 billion deficit. While the government and Financial Secretary project the deficit as short-term, but there is every possibility that the deficit will become structural.And unlike large economy like the US and China, which can monetized their debt, Hong Kong as a small and completely open economy cannot do the same or raise debt indefinitely, because of three restriction. Firstly the government has to maintain the Linked Exchange Rate System, which means our monetaThe crust of the long-term or structural problem is the Government’s narrow tax base. The government has talked about widening tax base for two decades by now. It comes up with some proposed policies such as sales tax, but all of them are considered complicating the tax code and are regressive in naFinancial Secretary Paul Chan has stipulated three criteria for widening the tax base or raising the revenue while decreasing the expenditure: 1) It must not interfere with the living of the mass. 2) The rich or the able should pay more for the poor or the not able, which implies that users pay for We believe that a resumption of inheritance tax (gift tax), which was abolished in 2006 to simplify the tax code, should be recovered. It broaden the tax base and violate the least of the tri-criteria. First it affects the mass public the least since it targets at the richest population in Hong KongI note that the government is rolling out other more petty measures to reduce expenditure and raise revenue. Most of such measures involve cutting welfare spending (thus affecting the masses) or increasing service fee (again affecting the masses), let alone the fact that they are petty measures thatImplementation: The Public-Private Partnership and Positive FeedbackI suggest the government begins the tax bracket from estates of HKD300million onwards as the definition of middle class is HKD1million to HKD300million (excluding the self-occupied property) so that it only aims at the rich class and does not add burden to the middle class or the lower class. The suAsset Values (HKD)Tax PercentageEstimated Number of People in this Bracket*300milllion 15%1billion 20%5billion 25%10billion 30%*pending government statistics on the wealth distribution of Hong KongMost importantly, there is a tax allowance of up to HKD50million given to the inheritance tax payer if they set a pro bono organization (like the Tung Wah Group) or foundation (like the Our Hong Kong Foundation). It will reduce government expenditure on welfare in the long-run and almost permanentlyIn summary, such tax allowance is a form of public-private partnership that the government has been advocating for a decade now. It simply transmit the government expenditure on welfare and related civil servant to the private sector (pro bono organization), which is kind of the relics of “smaller g

Seven Policies For Government to Consider--- 5. Increase minimum wage of Foreign Domestic Helpers and Local Workers

我建議，原則上外傭的最低工資應隨最低工資的上調而上調。對於前者，更合理的最低工資應該是每月7500港幣，因為與當地工人相比，他們每天的工作時間更長，每週的工作天數更多。然而，外籍家庭傭工最低工資的提高應該與本地工人最低工資的提高同步進行，因為他們的工資同樣很低。因此我建議將本地工人的最低工資提高至每小時60港元（約每月11,040港元）。並且兩個最低工資標準都應按照跳躍式調整之前的相同機制（例如隨通貨膨脹而增加）進行調整。最後我們建議把外傭最低工資跟據合約兩年間調整：第一年上調至$6250第二年上調至$7500該政策最終是否會損害外籍家庭傭工和本地工人的利益？我可以參考一下之前最低工資的執行情況。在實施之前，許多專家、經濟學家和政策制定者都擔心這會損害就業，導致失業率上升。實施最低工資後的實踐表明，失業率並未受到影響。當然，這個案例並不直接適用於 FDH 案例，儘管它確實提供了一個數據點。另一個可能最終損害 FDH 的問題是需求彈性。首先，雖然外籍家庭傭工與當地工人競爭，但我相信他們屬於兩個不同的市場。前者的待機時間差不多為6/24，後者的正常工作時間甚至達到12小時左右；後者只是兼職，每小時工資遠高於目前 FDH 的最低工資，甚至高於建議的新最低工資。因此，兩者在很大程度上不能互相取代。因此這導致了一個簡單的需求彈性問題。我認為對外籍家庭傭工和本地工人的需求缺乏彈性，因為很難找到替代品：1）如上所述，外籍家庭傭工市場與本地市場是分開的； 2）外籍家庭傭工 (FDH) 可讓父母從事各自的工作，從而幫助中產階級家庭實現「雙薪家庭」。因此，隨著外籍家庭傭工薪資的成長百分比超過需求量的下降百分比，外籍家庭傭工的總收入就會增加。因此，儘管新的最低工資確實取代了部分外籍家庭傭工和本地工人，但外籍家庭傭工和本地工人的總薪酬整體增加了。最後，一些政治影響薪資上漲使香港乃至中國對外籍家庭傭工的來源國（尤其是菲律賓）擁有了更大的權力。及印尼在中國與菲律賓就南海主權問題展開交鋒的背景下，中國香港對菲律賓和印尼的收入增加，增加了中國的籌碼。最後但同樣重要的一點是，它有助於中國政府的「一帶一路」倡議，因為菲律賓是中國租賃的重要國家。

Is 'One Country, Two Systems' 1.0 Still Relevant? Upholding Freedom

After twenty-eight years of turmoil and the endless misinterpretation by the Chinese and Hong Kong governments, many believe that 'One Country, Two Systems' and the Basic Law are outdated and their reputations are bankrupt. The future development of Hong Kong is seen as a choice between two extremesThose who hold such extreme views are not without reason. Many things were originally good but have been damaged beyond repair or are at least no longer suitable for public relations. The functional constituencies of the Legislative Council are an example. The original intention of functional consti'One Country, Two Systems' has fallen into this public relations crisis. Due to years of misinterpretation and past failures, many believe that 'One Country, Two Systems' is bankrupt or was always a scam. We do not see it this way because independence or integration are extreme options. Returning toFirst, the Basic Law was originally a constitution that upheld freedom, judicial independence, and various freedoms, including freedom of speech. In addition to numerous provisions protecting human rights, it importantly established Hong Kong's semi-independent status, meaning that except for foreigMoreover, while independence may seem the best option to protect Hong Kong's own interests, it is merely an idealistic notion lacking a realistic foundation. Take Taiwan as an example; despite long-term support from the United States and the natural barrier of the Taiwan Strait, and having been sepaFor instance, the recent controversy over Li Ka-shing's sale of the Panama Canal container terminal: the Basic Law originally established private property rights:The protection of property rights under the Hong Kong Basic Law mainly comes from the following provisions:Article 6: This article stipulates that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (Hong Kong) enjoys a high degree of autonomy, including the right to protect private property under its own legal system, provided it does not violate the Basic Law. Specifically, this means Hong Kong can enact its oArticle 105: This article provides that the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall protect the right of private property, including that lawful property shall not be unlawfully encroached upon, and prohibits the expropriation of property unless it is for public needs and compensation is made The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall protect the right of property and prohibit unlawful infringement of property.In the case of expropriation of property, it must be for a reasonable and necessary public purpose, and compensation must be paid according to fair standards.Article 16: This article regulates the legislative power of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, allowing Hong Kong to enact laws according to its actual situation, but the legislative process and content must not violate the requirements of the Basic Law, including the protection of propertIn short, Articles 6 and 105 of the Hong Kong Basic Law are the main provisions protecting property rights, emphasizing respect for and protection of private property, as well as the necessary procedures and compensation requirements for expropriation.The Basic Law provisions generated by AI above essentially boil down to two principles: 1) Prohibition of unlawful infringement of property. That is, the rights of ownership, transfer, and income from property must be protected. 2) Even if private property is expropriated or destroyed for reasons ofAs for preventing the central government from further misinterpreting and covertly amending the Basic Law, we believe it is sufficient to add or re-emphasize two or three articles:1) The Basic Law is written in Hong Kong's two official languages—English and Traditional Chinese. If there are discrepancies between the Chinese and English versions, the English version shall prevail.2) The interpretation of the Basic Law by the National People's Congress (NPC) is limited to foreign affairs and military matters, and can only be requested by judges of the Court of Final Appeal. Neither the NPC nor the Hong Kong executive and legislative organs can unilaterally request or implemen3) Like constitutions around the world, the Basic Law is only used to limit and interpret government power. There is no situation where citizens or any legal persons violate the Basic Law.*The yellow part was written by ChatGPT4

Joshua Wong Arrested Again While Serving Sentence: A Grim Symbol of One Country, Two Systems' Total Collapse

On June 6, 2025, Joshua Wong, Hong Kong’s most recognizable young pro-democracy activist, was arrested again while already serving a prison sentence. He was charged under the National Security Law (NSL) for allegedly colluding with foreign forces during a period between July and November 2020. The aThe new charges carry the maximum penalty of life imprisonment.Though technically not a violation of the principle of double jeopardy, the act of doubling up charges against Joshua Wong—years after the alleged acts occurred and while he is still serving time—reveals the regime’s true intent: to ensure that he never leaves prison, and to wipe away any remaining I Knew Joshua Wong Before the World DidI first came to know Joshua Wong in 2012, when he was still a teenager. That year, he rose to prominence by leading the movement against the Hong Kong government's proposed "Moral and National Education" curriculum—a thinly veiled brainwashing project. He was the head of Scholarism, a student group Over the past 13 years, I have witnessed his growth—from a high school student to an international voice for Hong Kong’s freedom. That voice is now being silenced not only by physical incarceration, but by a regime determined to bury his influence forever.Political Lawfare Dressed as JusticeWong is currently serving a 56-month sentence stemming from his involvement in an unofficial democratic primary in 2020, which authorities claim violated the NSL’s subversion clause. He was due to be released in early 2027.But the regime clearly has no intention of allowing that to happen.The new NSL charges, dropped from above like a sword of Damocles, now threaten him with life behind bars. They relate to the same general time period as his current charges, yet are being re-packaged under different legal terminology to extend his captivity indefinitely.This is not justice. This is authoritarian engineering of judicial outcomes.The practice of stacking charges—of returning to prosecute an already-imprisoned activist for events in the same historical arc—destroys the world’s confidence in Hong Kong’s legal system. It is clear to all observers that the law has become a tool of oppression, not a guardian of fairness.A Vanishing HopeJoshua Wong’s fate is starting to resemble that of Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, the 11th Panchen Lama, who was taken by the Chinese government in 1995 at the age of six and has not been seen since. Though Wong may not be physically disappeared, he is being disappeared in another way—through confinement, siBut I won’t forget. None of us should.The Death of One Country, Two Systems—and of Hong Kong as We Knew ItThis is more than the destruction of one young man’s future. This is the symbolic death of "One Country, Two Systems"—a promise made to the people of Hong Kong and the international community that has been shredded in front of the world’s eyes.Once, Hong Kong stood as a proud international city, governed by the rule of law, open society, and civil liberties. Today, it is a city where political prisoners languish for acts of speech, where laws are rewritten to serve the interests of power, and where even the memory of resistance is criminaThe world is watching, and the conclusion is clear: Hong Kong has no future as a free city under the current regime. The doubling of charges against Joshua Wong isn’t just a legal maneuver—it’s a moral indictment of a system that has chosen control over conscience.Joshua Wong's story is not over, but it has reached a chapter that reflects the sorrow, rage, and despair of an entire generation.We must remember him. We must speak his name. And we must continue the fight he helped begin.

A Hypothetical Case for a Liberal Hong Kong and a Liberal China

Since the Self-Strengthening Movement and constitutional reforms in the late Qing Dynasty, and all the way to the First Republic (the Republic of China) and the Second Republic (the People's Republic of China), the main obstacle to China's modern political system has been the failure to effectively China's latest version of the constitution, drafted in the 1980s, contains outdated provisions and clauses that restrict freedoms and weaken the separation of powers, aiming to provide modern China with a new constitution suitable for a free China. The drafting process of the new constitution and it1) A constitutional convention was convened, composed of representatives from all provinces and municipalities of China. Specifically, each province and municipality was determined based on its population ratio, with a total of 243 representatives reviewing and rewriting the constitution article by 2) The new constitution should establish the principles of freedom, separation of powers and a democratic system with Chinese characteristics.3) The executive branch (State Council) should be non-partisan, with all personnel, including the prime minister and deputy prime minister, not affiliated with any political party.4) The Prime Minister is elected by agreement among the four Deputy Prime Ministers, who in turn appoint his successor as Deputy Prime Minister.5) The National People's Congress is composed of 243 representatives elected by each province and municipality, who are selected from among county and village representatives, who are in turn elected by local people. The allocation of the National People's Congress will be determined by the populati6) The 243 deputies in the National People's Congress will elect a chairman to preside over the agenda of the National People's Congress and the order of reviewing bills.7) The current CPPCC will be incorporated into the legislative system and elected by proportional representation from all walks of life.8) A representative can be a member of both the National People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, and can also belong to both the National People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference respectively.9) Each CPPCC representative elects a CPPCC chairman who is responsible for deciding the order in which bills are submitted to the NPC.10) The legislative process begins with the CPPCC formulating policies, which are then put to a vote by the National People's Congress. Two agencies11) The judiciary is headed by the president, whose main responsibility is to ensure the correct functioning of the constitution, a new one drafted by the National People's Congress.12) The president and five other chief justices make up the Constitutional Court, which is responsible for conducting judicial review of policies implemented by the State Council or laws passed by the National People's Congress. When there is a 3-3 tie in a judicial review case, the president has th13) The president can take the initiative to sue the legislature or the State Council for unconstitutionality, and have the case heard by the Constitutional Court.14) The President is the head of the three branches of government (the President of the Judiciary, the Prime Minister of the Executive and the Chairman of the Legislature) and is also the Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces.15) The military is loyal to the constitution and is led by the president of the judicial branch.16) The executive and judicial systems, including the president, strictly maintain political neutrality. The president is elected through consultation among the six chief justices and will select his successor as chief justice.17) Since the legislature is formed through democratic voting, in principle, laws enacted by the elected legislature can be implemented as long as they do not violate the constitution (Legislative supremacy). At the same time, the procedure for amending the Constitution must first be proposed by the18) The new China will initially consist of five autonomous regions, two special administrative regions, four municipalities directly under the Central Government, and 23 provinces. Among them, five autonomous regions each voted to maintain the status quo or become special administrative regions. 1919) Taiwan should also hold a vote to choose to maintain the status quo or to join China and become a special administrative region.20) Each special administrative region is also required to formulate its own basic law to clarify the relationship between the region and the central government.21) One or two official languages for each SAR will be chosen by each SAR individually.22) In addition to military and diplomatic powers, the SAR has its own system including legislative, executive, and judicial powers. The electoral system of each special administrative region is purely an internal affair of each special administrative region.23) Each SAR has its own Basic Law, which is negotiated between the central government and the elected representatives of each SAR.The new constitution establishes the principle of separation of powers and tilts more power towards the judiciary, as China's past failures were largely a failure in the practice of the rule of law. By placing the president and commander-in-chief of the armed forces in the judiciary, it is hoped thaIn Hong Kong, the key changes to the Basic Law are as follows:1) The Basic Law is written in English and Traditional Chinese, the two official languages of Hong Kong. In the event of any discrepancy between the English and Chinese versions, the English version shall prevail.2) To ensure that the NPC’s interpretation of laws is limited to diplomatic and military matters, and that only judges of the Court of Final Appeal can petition the NPC for interpretation of laws. Neither the NPC nor the executive and legislative bodies of Hong Kong can petition the NPC for interpre3) Like constitutions around the world, the Basic Law is only used to limit and interpret government power. There is no possibility that citizens or any legal person may violate the Basic Law.

Red Pill Editorial Team

2 months ago

Seven Policies For Government to Consider---6.Porn Tax

Norman Doidge, a psychiatrist and author known for his work on neuroplasticity, has discussed pornography in the context of brain rewiring. In The Brain That Changes Itself, he explains how excessive porn consumption can alter neural pathways, reinforcing compulsive behaviors and changing sexual preHis perspective aligns with broader concerns about the impact of porn on mental health, dopamine regulation, and behavioral addiction.Further to above, porn and masturbation reduce the birth rate as it is a substitute for actual sex.With the harmful effect of porn, I put it in the same category of cigarette and alcohol. Since we impose high taxes on the two to discourage people from consuming them, why not on porn, which is as harmful as the two?The main obstacle is how to collect such tax. I have no good personal proposal yet on how to collect but will continue searching. Deep Seek also provides several ways to collect porn tax, including referencing to sales tax, making use of Internet Service Providers (ISPs), and Mandatory licensing fee*Green part is generated by Deep Seek

Seven Policies For Government to Consider--- 3. Building more Water Desalination Plants

First I do a Deepseak of the percentage share of each origin of water in Hong Kong.In Hong Kong, the water supply comes from three main sources: local yield, the Dongjiang (East River) from Guangdong Province, and desalinated water. Here's a general breakdown of their percentage shares:Dongjiang (East River) Water: The majority of Hong Kong's water supply, approximately 70-80%, comes from the Dongjiang in Guangdong Province. This is the primary source due to Hong Kong's limited local water resources.Local Yield: Local water sources, including rainfall collected in reservoirs, account for about 20-30% of the total supply. However, this percentage can vary significantly depending on rainfall patterns.Desalinated Water: Desalination contributes a small but growing share, currently around 1-2%, as part of Hong Kong's efforts to diversify its water sources and enhance water security. The Tseung Kwan O Desalination Plant, commissioned in recent years, is expected to increase this share over time.These percentages can fluctuate based on factors such as rainfall, water demand, and infrastructure.The percentage share of Water desalination plant is obviously small and local yielded sources vary significant depending on rainfall pattern. Therefore the majority of Hong Kong’s water supply comes from Dongjiang (East River) water from Mainland China. This is unsustainable for two reasons: first, For the specific implementation such as the location of more desalination water plants is pending more information. Preliminarily, there are to be built in Lantau Island, outlying islands such as Cheung Chua or Lamma Island, and Tseung Kwan O (for expansion). Among the options, I favoring expanding *The green part is generated by Deepseek.

Seven Policies For Government to Consider--- 7.Reclamation that Links up Island East and Kowloon East

我認為維多利亞港填海比大嶼山或北都會填海更有價值。我建議連接港島東和九龍東。這不會對位於九龍西的貨櫃碼頭造成乾擾。我將未來在港島東和九龍東填海造地的土地稱為維多利亞城。維多利亞城的價值遠高於北都會或一些離島，因為它更接近香港中部，更容易成為我們的第三個中央商務區。此外，填海工程過程也更容易，因為填海工程只是從兩側擴大現有土地，而大嶼山和離島的填海工程大部分都是從無到有填海而成。該計畫面臨的最大障礙是《港口保護條例》和環保組織的反對聲音。前者可在立法會親政府的立場下輕鬆調整，以適應填海工程；如果政府堅持填海工程，立法會很可能會通過一項法律來取代現行的《保護港口條例》。至於後者，我相信已經存在更環保的回收方法。政府可以參考新加坡的填海過程，應該有對環境友善的填海方法。

Seven Policies For Government to Consider--- 4. Legalization of Gay Marriage

Case Study of Taiwan’s Experience of Legalized Gay MarriageAs of today, Taiwan is the only Asian country that has legalized gay marriage (since 2019). The enhanced human rights and social inclusion alone raise the image of Taiwan among Western countries. Reputation aside, legalization of gay marriage also bring about moderate economic benefit to Taiwan. FirHong Kong CaseWhile the effect of legalized gay marriage has largely been beneficial to Hong Kong, there are a few social and political differences between Hong Kong and Taiwan, that makes Hong Kong case significantly different from Taiwan. Nonetheless, at the end of the day, legalized gay marriage will bring morAs mentioned, the harms are social and political. Socially, Hong Kong’s society is much closed about same-sex love, let alone same-sex marriage. Same sex which means the society is not ready for legalized marriage yet. Homosexuality is still a taboo in Hong Kong, which means the society is not readyBut as mentioned above, we still have faith that gay marriage is workable in Hong Kong. First and foremost, aside from benefiting from gay marriage tourism, legalization of gay marriage will draw much more Mainland and international talents that tend to stay longer in Hong Kong as they can more easiSecond, because the gain outlast the coast, the government should roll out more propaganda on promoting equality between heterosexuality and homosexuality. Though LGBT right is largely acknowledged in jobs from the Government or western firms, SMEs mostly still do not have such clause and may discri